Sunday 8 August 2021

Pioneering Social Research

In the words of Michael Young, one of the 58 interviewed Pioneers in the Pioneers of Social Research Project, research is about following: “your inner light… Find out what you’re really interested in, what you really want to find out about, what you really want to say, even though you may change very much what you actually say later”. On one level, the Pioneering Social Research book and the project itself tries to capture these pieces of wisdom, snippets of imagination, to hand them down to the later generations walking in the footsteps of the men and women who made their careers  at the research scene at the heart of the post-war British University. It is full of eureka moments of social discovery (very typical of the male Pioneers interviewed for the project) or their conspicuous absence (in the case of the women Pioneers whose career path usually involve not a small amount of meandering and fighting the different conventions of the day). It is about their life stories, and the complexities of these individuals that have produced some monumental work that will define a generation while at the same time being involved in family dramas, and work conflicts much like everybody else. Thus, the Pioneering Social Research book is about some titans of thought that are also ultimately human beings whose contractions should be appreciated because they tell us something about the social world around us. But let’s start at the beginning…

The Pioneering Social Research project and the Pioneering Social Research book now published with Policy press highlights the experiences and practices of the generations who were active from the 1950s to the 1980s in British academia and wider research scene. These were the decades which saw the final phase of colonial anthropology, the explosive growth of sociology in universities, and then the founding of theme-based women’s, ethnic and cultural studies and the development of ethical practices and systematic methodologies. To be recorded among our pioneers implies in itself some kind of success story in research: primarily in terms of intellectual discovery and influence, sometimes later linked to taking a key position in the academic world and achieving, in Colin Bell’s words, ‘a degree of celebrity’. The engine of their success had to be the research work, but many of our Pioneers spoke perceptively of their lives much beyond this, especially their earlier lives, hinting or reflecting on how these experiences may have shaped their research. The oldest, Raymond Firth, was born in 1901 and is exceptional in already being an active researcher in the interwar years. The youngest interviewee was born in 1949, Sara Arber, and all had begun their research careers by the 1970s. They had mainly made their key contributions by the 1980s, but several continued publishing into the 2000s. Altogether, 33 are with sociologists –most of whom first trained in other disciplines, especially anthropology –and 14 with lifelong anthropologists. There are also three from politics, two each from geography and economics, another two from statistics, and one from cultural studies. These are essentially British pioneers, although they worked worldwide.

On the practical side, the book illustrates how empirical social research was conducted and given shape in mid-twentieth century Britain. Our Pioneers carried out much major work in terms of class, gender and ethnicity and the book captures something of the social and cultural contexts in which they worked and the dilemmas they faced. The book retells some of the most magical  moments of research realization which may be career defining but also does not shy away from reflections of strife, of conflict, of struggle and acceptance. Thus, one should be able to open the book and read both about how David Butler ‘finds his voice’ on TV, of the time Peter Townsend spends working in a retirement institution while at the same time get a feel for the disappointment of John Goldthorpe with British academia, of the difficult time Ann Oakley and Mary Douglas have in recognizing their work. Of great significance is the absence of the environment and climate change as a theme in the Pioneers’ body of work, although one of the most recent interviews with Michael Redclift tries to address this gap. The Pioneering Social Research project is very much a living thing, and we hope to be able to continue adding to the pool of interviewees in the future.  

The book and the project do have weaknesses with which we have explicitly engaged. Our 58 interviewees cannot be taken as ‘representative’ of a wider scholarly pool. They are unique cases, and there are many other researchers who if alive and willing could easily have been included, and some who may have made even greater contributions and told very different stories. Nor can we be sure of the memories of our tellers; like almost all historical sources, whether created in the past or subsequently, what they say sometimes may be factually incorrect.

Crucially, however, the book demonstrates how the Pioneers responded to their own difficulties, and challenges of the time. These are very intimate stories, one that we the authors hope the reader will not rush through but will cherish and savour. The Pioneers were resilient, but above all, they proved to have the creative ability to turn the problems upside down and use them to develop their own thinking. In this, future generations can really find a rich source of inspiration – one that will continue to inform beyond the lifetime of the interviewees in this project. We will hold a zoom discussion on the book on the 3rd of September 2021, you can sign up through Eventbrite here.

Saturday 28 November 2020


Mythologising Diana Prince, COVID-19 Style: a Deadly Practice


We all know the story of Wonder Woman – an Amazon with superhuman powers gifted by the Gods who is more than a match for any mortal or, when you come to think of it, immortal man or evil power. Lasso, magic bracelets and boots ablazing, the 2017 Wonder Woman movie grossed more than $821.8 million dollars with enthusiastic voices from left, right and centre loudly proclaiming that the superhero glass ceiling has been smashed. Reception for the sequel has been lukewarm, and Gal Gadot (the star of the movie)’s attempts to lift our spirits with a rendition of Imagine during the 2020 lockdown was widely criticised and derided.


Given this fame, it’s not surprising that during the COVID pandemic, artists, brands and fundraisers across the world have used the iconography of Wonder Woman and superheroes to celebrate medical professionals, and nurses in particular in murals, newspaper front pages (Prealpina 2020) or online spaces. The tight waist, the superhero stance, the hair blown by the wind but still remaining in a perfect do. In a useful twist, one that sharpens the power of the iconography, Wonder Woman’s alter ego, Diana Prince is a nurse. What could be wrong with this? After all, shouldn’t medical professionals, particularly the many women who can be found among nursers, physicians and care staff be flattered by these allusions to Wonder Woman, the ultimate female comic book WWII hero, in fact the ultimate female superhero?


Has not the dream of the self-proclaimed, and too loudly so, feminist creator of Wonder Woman, William Marston, of embedding a standard (Lepore, 2015) of strong, free, courageous womanhood; and to combat the idea that women are inferior to men, and to inspire girls to self-confidence and achievements in athletics, occupations and professions monopolised by men” (p.220) finally been realized?


My concern is that this iconography helps to legitimate the exploitation of today’s Diana Princes, while feeding directly the illusionary halo of Wonder Woman. The cartoon superhero nurses are symptomatic of a body who has turned from the means of production to production itself, a grave general trend described poignantly by Susie Orbach in Bodies (2019): "Today only a few aspirational and idealised body types which everyone feels enjoined to work towards are taking the place of differing forms of embodiment in every land. Like the flattening consequences of the 9.2 per cent of world languages we are losing every three months because they have fewer than 10 speakers, I fear we are losing body variety too” (p.19). It is a rejection of the mundane everyday nature of the medical professional’s body expression, and of the COVID-19 sweaty unglamorous full protective gear reality. Moreover, it is a failure of imagination of what nurses do or who they are as people.

In the Female Eunuch, Germaine Greer (1971) wrote that “the most depressing phenomenon in the pattern of women’s work is the plight of the nurses” usually paid “a travesty of living wage”. Little has changed much since the book has been written. Whereas nursing and teaching continue to be among the typical female occupations, women in the sector have little hope of seeing a pay rise (most recently of a pitiful 1%) while society applauds their unswerving dedication and determination to help their patients. In the Journal of Clinical Nursing, Jackson et al. (2020) vividly describe the pandemic working conditions of nursing staff: “Nurses everywhere are staffing our clinics, hospital wards and units—in some situations, literally working until they drop, and in some regions, they are doing so while dealing with a lack of essential items.” The scandal of the pandemic PPE lacking full gowns and eye protection; with equipment out of date triggered an enquiry. Thus, the systematic failure of the PPE supply chain that leaves staff, usually on lower pay grades, woefully vulnerable has rightly been exposed and condemned but it is unclear what and if there will be any consequences.

In Britain, ONS reports that among women, three of nine major occupational groups have a statistically significantly higher mortality rate for deaths of COVID-19: caring, leisure and other service occupations (460 deaths) under which nursing falls (110 deaths among nurses; 240 deaths among care workers); followed by elementary occupations (227 deaths), process plant and machine operatives (57 deaths). Care workers are chronically underpaid and their many struggles have been frequently exposed. Heart-breaking stories keep cropping up of their failure to even get masks during the pandemic. Within medical professionals, the majority of COVID-19 fatalities are nurses or care workers who even in death do not get their specialty referred to, unlike doctors described by their field of practice: histopathology, geriatrics, neurorehabilitation, etc. Faced with the grave danger of COVID-19 the Wonder Woman myth dissipates as a mirage, she is literally short of her protective gear.


Even in these dark times, people are finding ways to support each other, and during the lockdown heartening examples of solidarity remind us of our common humanity: from the spread of crowdfunding campaigns to support public hospitals, and clapping for the NHS on Thursdays to flash mobs of neighbours singing on their balconies. Social norms around protecting the NHS, protecting the elderly and most vulnerable have been largely responsible for the observance of the social distance rather than fear or the exercise of social control through the police, research has shown. Yet, when we are called to remember the thousands of superheroes of the lockdown, nurses, medical professionals and essential workers, we will do well to remember the back story of Wonder Woman. Wonder Woman transforms herself in the ‘drab’ nurse Diana Prince to keep an eye on her injured pilot companion Steve, although in Amazonia, she is a doctor. Eventually, she quits nursing and becomes a secretary at U.S. military intelligence. She takes excellent dictation and is an extremely fast typist praised for “typing with the speed of lightning(Lepore, 2015). Thus, Diana Prince is not a wonder woman, or even a wonder nurse. By embracing the role of a flexible support worker in a system that continues to marginalize and knowingly expose her to danger, she is every woman.




Greer, G., 1971, The Female Eunuch. 1970: London: MacGibbon and Kee.

Lepore, J., 2015, The secret history of Wonder Woman, Vintage.

Orbach, S., 2019, Bodies, Profile books.

Prealpina, 2020, La Lombardia procede Cauta, Prealpina.

Sunday 8 March 2015

Capturing the Women's Vote

Happy International Women’s Day! Честит 8-ми март!! Today we celebrate the increased recognition of the power of women's voices, and votes. Make no mistake, many a society has gone far but there is still a winding road ahead and the ultimate destination appears to be a space frontier light years away. Because despite the fact that women are more represented in decision-making bodies, and politicians hug and coo to babies during the campaigns, rarely are issues tackled head on such as unequal pay, free child care, and an honest discussion of who provides social care and how they are remunerated for it. These are not issues that concern only women - they concern and weigh down the household as a whole, the family (defined broadly) as a whole - that is to say, the building  blocks of the society  which demise is an integral part of the lamenting phase ON any political agenda. These are not issues that can be solved solely by increased representation (not equal yet in numerous public and private bodies). Following the political debates during the last few weeks, I could not help but think that for years women have been treated as genies - good at multi-tasking, good at ‘getting the job done’, expected to boost the economy and increase tax revenues through greater labour market participation while still miraculously ticking off 70-80 per cent of domestic chores and struggling to be satisfied with the ‘flexibility’ offered to them. Often this becomes the celebrated ideal - of the ‘good’ genie that participates, and votes, and is heavily involved in any and all workload allocations. Instead we should celebrate the rattling coming from the all-so patriarchal lamp/bottle that one day will be given a rub too far.

Tuesday 25 February 2014

Trust and Academia

In his thoroughly compelling and enjoyable account of the role of trust in modern societies, Trust: the Social Virtues and the Creation of Prosperity, Francis Fukuyama wrote: "consider professionals like doctors, lawyers, or university professors. The professional receives both a general college education and several years of technical education in his or her specialty and is expected to display a high degree of judgement and initiative as a matter of course. The nature of this judgement is often complex and context dependent and therefore cannot be spelled out in detail in advance. This is the reason that professionals, once they have received their technical accreditation, can go completely unsupervised if they are in business of themselves, or else are relatively loosely supervised if work in an administrative hierarchy. In other words, professionals tend to be trusted to a higher degree than nonprofessionals and therefore operate in a less rule-bound environment. Although they are perfectly capable of betraying the trust placed in them, the concept of a professional serves as a prototype of a high-trust, relatively unregulated occupation. It is inevitable that there should be a decrease in trust as education and skill levels decrease: a skilled worker, such as an experienced lathe operator, is given less autonomy than a professional, and an unskilled assembly line worker requires more supervision and rules than the skilled craftsman (1995: 223)."

My own research focuses on trust in relation to the increasing ethnic heterogeneity in modern societies. I cannot help to notice, however, that the nature of academic work and academia in general seems to have veered from the above course. Now, we have the Research Assessment Exercise for the setting of quality criteria and impact factors that previously academics internalised through peer pressure. Needless to say, there is nothing wrong about setting a few rules. This could be an important pathway to recognition and status... As long as these rules are not one too many. The concept of intellectual endeavour might be often mythologized and unproven to boost productivity but de-legitimizing it serves only to make some fundamental academic tasks such as research and teaching much more mechanistic.

Fukuyama warns that: "past a certain point, the proliferation of rules to regulate wider and wider sets of social relationships becomes not the hallmark of rational efficiency but a sign of social dysfunction. There is usually an inverse relationship between rules and trust: the more people depend on rules to regulate their interactions, the less they trust each other, and vice versa (1995: 224)".

Let us all hope we have not reached that point although some worrisome patterns exist. This last academic year has seen a lot of industrial action by university-based trade unions which can be interpreted as a sign of disintegrating trust bonds; and in terms of the academic archetype, as a response to the laying out of more and more academic duties in "a highly detailed and legalistic form". In Fukuyama's words: "it is only natural, then, that trade unions respond with demands that the employers specify their duties and responsibilities in explicit detail as well, since the latter could not be trusted to look out for the welfare of the workers in return (1995: 224)". Trust is fragile and it will be surprising if the growing pressure were to leave university cohesion undented. 

Thursday 20 June 2013

We are all in this together

I have been following closely the storm currently raging throughout social psychology in regards to results replicability. After the exposure of several prominent names in the field such as Diederik Stapel, Dirk Smeesters and Lawrence Sanna, who presented falsified and outright fraudulent results for years, you cannot open Nature or Science magazine without stumbling across yet another failed attempt to come to terms with influential studies which, well, cannot be proved either right or wrong.

I disagree however with the stigmatization of a particular discipline. The way the matter is dealt with in the social sciences is not unlike the cautious behaviour individuals adopted during the Black Plague – mark the ailing house with a black cross, quarantine the infected and hope you have hidden somewhere far outside of the malaise’s ghastly reach. This is just an illusion. A much broader discussion and a clean sweep are needed throughout the Social Sciences. When the day of judgement comes, many a study in sociology, economics and social psychology may indeed be found needing in the replication department. The Cambridge Replication Workshop organized for Harvard students studying Social Science Research Methods have notoriously struggled with academics agreeing to secure the datasets on which important and well-published research is based. The issue has become so pervasive that the Economic and Social Research Council in Britain is considering obliging academics to make both the datasets and the data drilling files generated during the research funded by the council publicly available. This may seem like a pain but is more than a necessary evil. As a social scientist, we all make some particular decisions about cleaning and modifying our datasets but these, hopefully, come with a rationale behind them that is justifiable and should be open to critique. Vague and evasive claims that replication attempts have failed in following the intrinsic logic of a study are not acceptable or we might just as well scrap the ‘science’ bit in our social science CVs.  

We owe it to ourselves, to the field and to other colleagues, especially young ones, to ask the hard questions. As Daniel Kahneman said in an open letter to social psychologists: “… I see a train wreck looming. I expect the first victims to be young people on the job market. Being associated with a controversial and suspicious field will put them at a severe disadvantage in the competition for positions.” All our social science fields have become increasingly competitive, and although the pressures of academia cannot be an excuse for fraud, we need to acknowledge the major restructuring in our disciplines and academic careers, and respond accordingly. Neither by ditching old-fashioned research morale and scientific rigour down the drain, nor by vilifying and excommunicating some for the sake of keeping deep treacherous waters still. 

Wednesday 27 March 2013

The Relevance of the 'Superman Question' to the Current UK Migration Debate

While passions in the current UK immigration debate are running high, perhaps we all ought to pause and consider the 'Superman Question'. That is to say, what would we do with Superman given his status of an illegal alien? Should he be deported? He has come to Earth illegally after all and no dedication in protecting American core democratic values and wearing funky glasses in an effort to blend in can change this fact - a circumstance that befalls too on the shoulders of quite a few, more average, illegal immigrants. The question was posed by Junot Diaz, a Pulitzar prize winner of Dominican descent and creative writing professor at MIT last Monday on the US TV show "The Colbert Report" but it seems highly relevant and almost universally applicable. 

After watching the show, I could not help but think how people will respond to this question in reality. Would it have the desired effect of challenging our prejudices and shaking up value systems? Unlikely. Let us forget for a moment that Superman is not a 'visible' migrant and thus quite unrepresentative of the general pool of illegal migrants in many large immigrant societies; forget even about his painstaking efforts at assimilation and life of 'normality'. There is another reason why he would be accepted - no questions asked - irrespective of the legality of his residence. It is just that he ... is a highly-skilled migrant. 

The immigration debate in the UK revolves less around the legality of migrants (although it did feature in David Cameron's most recent speech 2013) but it remains infused with issues of skill and status. There seems to be a wide-spread belief that UK is blighted by hordes of unskilled migrants, who with little transferable human capital (as opposed to the "brightest and the best" that the country needs), have no other recourse but to join the dole and abuse the system. My own research (Demireva 2011, Demireva and Kesler 2011) and that of others* has shown that this is simply not true. Compared to white British workers, all migrant groups but especially migrants from Eastern and Central Europe, Turkish and Middle Eastern migrants experience severe occupational de-skilling once in Britain. Transition models indicate that the picture of labour market participation of migrants is complex, yet, Central and Eastern European migrants make successful transitions from unemployment to employment. If anything, the policies aimed at managing migration put into place by successive UK governments appear to have ensured the acquisition of the desired and high skill-level migrants, and continuous employment spells are the norm rather than unemployment or inactivity.

Report after report show that migrants in the UK contribute substantially to the economy and their take up of welfare is very modest compared to the native population. As mentioned already in quite a few places, in terms of benefits claiming (DWP 2012), only 6.4% of the entire claimant population are estimated to have been non-UK nationals when they first registered for a National Insurance Number. Whereas there is significant variation in this rate by benefit type, still only 8.5% of all Jobseekers are estimated to have been non-UK nationals when they first registered contrasted with 3.5% for working age disabled benefit claimants. Importantly, but only cursorly mentioned in this debate, the initial results from a sample exercise to match non-EEA claimants who were recorded as foreign nationals at the time they first registered for a National Insurance Number suggests that more than half (54%) will have obtained British citizenship subsequently, and the majority of the remainder will have some form of immigration status providing legitimate access to public funds. 

In regards to social housing, Rutter and Latorre (2009) present data that new migrants to the UK over the last five years make up less than two per cent of the total of those in social housing. In fact, 90 per cent of those who live in social housing are UK born. Most of the newly-arrived migrant group who occupy social tenancies are refugees who have been granted permission to remain in the UK, however, their number remains very small. Robinson (2007) show that reflecting the relatively high levels of employment within A8** households moving into the social rented sector, only a relatively small proportion of tenants or their partners were recorded as qualifying for or being in receipt of state benefits, and only a very small proportion avail of social housing with no other source of income except for benefits. Moreover, looking across EU member states in general, Harrison et al. (2005) found that severe housing disadvantage persists amongst national indigenous minorities and that law, monitoring and regulation vary widely, and some Member States have only made limited progress towards equality of treatment or recognition of diversity.

There is also no evidence that crime rates, which are now an integral part of the UKIP rhetoric, have been on the rise as a result of the new immigration waves. An LSE report (Bell and Machin 2011) shows that, contrary to wide-spread beliefs, when the effect of flows associated with the A8 accession countries is examined (or with those entering with work permits or Tier 2 visas), significant negative effects on property crime (and no effect on violent crime) are found. In other words, areas with higher shares of these types of immigrants in the population experienced faster falls in property crime rates than other areas. The researchers concluded that A8 migrants are special in the sense that they came to the UK with the express intent of working and have very strong labour market attachment which materializes in a positive rather than a negative effect. Further still, a survey carried out by the Association of Chief Police Officers (ACPO) in 2008 found no evidence that Eastern Europeans were responsible for a crime wave and Peter Fahy, the chief constable who co-authored the report has since remarked that a lot of worry about crime in Britain is encouraged by rumours and misunderstandings. 

A speech cannot hold endless factual information and perhaps the reports I just discussed were not included for the sake of brevity and of streamlining the expose. Yet, the main arguments of Cameron's 2013 speech are uncannily similar to the ones that he already propositioned in 2011 - net migration should go down together with the number of foreign nationals abusing the welfare system. Thus, a wealth of research did not see the light of political agendas both in 2011 and 2013. 

Again, as before Cameron raised the question of the level of belonging of migrants and their participation in the UK social life; again he just barely touched upon the moral quagmire that is the expectation of migrants on fixed contracts without right to settle to be part of a community. Unsurprisingly, he failed to mention the increasing volume of British retirement migration (more than one million Britons own a home in coastal areas in Spain alone [Hardill et al. 2005]) and the challenges that British retired migrants could bring to the welfare systems of other EU member states. Yet, Cameron was quite frank and unambivalent in 2011 and in 2013 about who he holds responsible for the increased migration challenges (besides the previous Labour government). In his own words, in 2011 the real issue was that "migrants are filling gaps in the labour market left wide open by a welfare system that for years has paid British people not to work". In 2013, he remarked that "even at the end of the so-called 'boom', there were around five million people in our country of working age on out of work benefits". Now, that is a problem that no 'Superman Question' can fix and in my opinion deserves to be discussed in detail and finally made separate from the migration debate.  Any politician owes it to the five million voters who so often get stigmatised. 

*See Brynin and Guveli (2012) for an overall overview of British minorities' occupational segregation
**A8 countries are:
  • Czech Republic
  • Estonia
  • Hungary
  • Latvia
  • Lithuania
  • Poland
  • Slovakia
  • Slovenia


Bell, B. and Machin, S. (2011) "The Impact of Migration on Crime and Victimisation", A report for the Migration Advisory Committee, Centre for Economic Performance, LSE 
Demireva, N. (2011) “New Migrants in the UK: Employment Patterns and Occupational Attainment”; The Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies, 37 (4): 637-655

Brynin, M and Guveli, A. (2012) "Understanding the ethnic pay gap in Britain", Work, Employment and Society, 26(4): 574-587
Demireva, N. and Kesler, C. (2011) “The Curse of Inopportune Transitions: the Labour Market Behaviour of Immigrants and Natives in the UK”, International Journal of Comparative Sociology, 52 (4): 306-326 
DWP report (2012)  "Nationality at point of National Insurance number registration of DWP benefit claimants: February 2011", DWP

Cameron, D. (2011). "Immigration Speech in full",

HARDILL, I.  SPRADBERY, J.; ARNOLD­BOAKES, J and MARRUGAT, ML "Severe health and social care issues among British migrants who retire to Spain", Ageing and Society, Volume 25 (05): pp 769 ­ 783


Robinson, D. (2007) "European Union Accession State Migrants in Social Housing in England", People, Place & Policy Online (2007): 1/3, pp. 98-111

Rutter, J. and Lattore, M. (2009) "Social housing allocation and immigrant communities", Equality and Human Rights Commission
Jill Rutter and Maria Latorre

Thursday 22 November 2012

Getting Published: Studies with Mechanical Turk Samples

One thing that I noticed early on in my academic career was that for pretty much every topic I was interested in there were at least forty pages of bibliography on ISI Web of Knowledge. The task to produce novel and ground-breaking research feels  harder when the wealth of studies already published stares you in the face from your computer screen and gives your dreams of academic grandeur a translucent texture. For many academics this is a life-defining moment of embracing this vocational challenge and delving straight into the proverbial sea of literature.
Rarely, however, an extraordinary thing happens and you find yourself overviewing a handful of articles. The literature on experiments using Amazon’s platform for cognitive testing Mechanical Turk is a case in point. It is still quite sparse and for the student proficient in skimming will take no more than two hours to summarize. In the table below I have noted some of the most prominent articles. Importantly, the mere existence of these studies breaks two related myths. Yes, the body of experimental research is much larger and there are quite a few academics sceptical to the use and virtues of Mechanical Turk, especially when it comes to representativeness of the results obtained from samples of Turkers. Moreover, the ‘publishability’ of the results has been largely contested. In reality, some good studies using Mechanical Turk (as it is with every topic and research tool) are published in an array of prestigious journals such as Nature and the Journal of Experimental Social Psychology. This surely is only the beginning. What better reason to try Mechanical Turk and see for yourself?


Title (Year of Publication)



Rand DG, Greene JD, Nowak MA


Behavioural Psychology

Dreber A, Ellingsen T, Johannesson M, Rand DG.

Experimental Economics


Rand DG , Arbesman S, Christakis NA.

Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences


DeVoe, Sanford, House, J.

Journal of Experimental Social Psychology

Social Psychology

Rand, David G.

Journal Of Theoretical Biology


Brian F. Schaffner

Political Psychology


Henderson, Marlone

Journal of Experimental Social Psychology

Social Psychology

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